There has been limited social and economic change in South Africa since the fall of apartheid. Nelson Mandela helped defeat apartheid but he did not bring economic transformation for the mass of people living in poverty.
In terms of the media and political lexicon it is interesting to compare the attitude to the death of Mandela with that of Hugo Chavez, who did bring economic transformation to Venezuela. Whilst Mandela is viewed as a saint, Chavez remains a sinner - these different attitudes say much about the capitalist values that underpin many of the recent Mandela tributes
Thursday, 12 December 2013
Tuesday, 10 December 2013
Healthy living can help cut dementia but society has to change to make it happen
The news that a study by Cardiff University has found that a healthy lifestyle can reduce the likelihood of dementia by 60 per cent is a cause for hope amid a growing epidemic.
The research, which has involved following 2,235 people since 1979, found that regular exercise, eating fruit and veg, staying slim, light drinking and no smoking reduced the likelihood of getting dementia.
The researchers also found that if 50 per cent of men had taken up the five options there would have been 13 per cent less dementia generally.
I was fascinated by the research, given that my father and grandmother (Dad’s Mum) got dementia. Given the genetic trends, dementia developments are always of more than a passing interest to my brother and myself as well as our cousins and offspring. That said: Dad really did follow the five criteria set out for a healthy lifestyle. He exercised every day, always going for regular walks and before that swimming. He ate a balanced diet. He went on a stringent diet about 30 years before he died, reducing his weight by a couple of stone, then made sure he never really put on much weight. He drank moderately and gave up smoking at about the same time as he lost the weight. Prior to that he was really only a moderate pipe smoker.
So the latest research doesn’t really throw a lot of light on dementia amongst the Donovans. We are still very much in the genetic analysis, namely that it is handed from generation to generation somehow. The upside for us is that Mum had an almost photographic memory.
The latest research though useful, underlines the need for more research. There are 800,000 plus dementia sufferers in the UK, with the number set to increase over coming years. Critics have attacked the low level of funding for research into dementia compared to cancer. Cancer research receives four times the level of research funding that dementia does.
At the same time that the research was published, Prime Minister David Cameron was set to chair a G8 international conference on dementia or as it was more dramatically stated “the 21st century plague.”
This prioritisation of this disease internationally must be welcomed but it also raises questions.
If the Cardiff University research is accepted, namely that factors about the environment in which we live can be conducive or otherwise to getting conditions like dementia, then that raises many questions. Not least the whole manner of human evolution in the 21st century.
The lifestyle of the mass of people is becoming more and more sedentary. Economic progress is being driven increasingly by internet based technology.
Young and old alike spend growing amounts of time locked into laptops or mobiles, seemingly cut off from the natural world. It always amazes me when travelling through some fantastic rolling countryside on the train to observe people plugged into these various electronic devices, totally missing the panorama going on outside the window.
The sedentary existence is further promoted by the loss of playing fields and the like across the country. Computer games abound. Obesity is increasing to epidemic proportions, particularly among the young as a result of this major change in our way of living and working.
There is also the growing ignorance regarding food. The explosion of fast foods on the back of a culture that no longer creates the space for proper meals being eaten and shared.
The fast food epidemic has helped fuel the obesity epidemic. Many people today will not know that a healthy lifestyle requires fruit and vegetables as part of the diet. The public health message about the need for the five a day of fruit and veg has hit home with some but many remain ignorant.
Then there is the basic lifestyle of people today. The insecurity of work, leads to stress and less possibility of a work /life balance. What hope is there for someone working long hours for low pay in say a call centre environment? This lifestyle is not conducive to following the five elements set out for healthy living, if anything the opposite. A sedentary existence that does not allow time to exercise and due to stress pushes the individual toward drinking and smoking. When the person also has children to care for, the problems multiply even further.
As someone who endured the pain of watching my Dad descend into the depths of dementia, whereby he did not recognise any of the family, I welcome any advance in averting or treating the disease. However, if we are to take the medical research seriously, then there is a need to look to the sort of society being created.
Low wages, insecure work, sedentary type existences do not promote healthy living. Everyone needs to take responsibility for the way they live but there also needs to be wider look taken at how conducive life patterns are to that goal.
The ultimate conclusion could be that the type of society being created today makes conditions like dementia more not less likely to develop. If we are to all follow the five elements that ensure more healthy living then just maybe the whole way in which society is organised today needs revaluation. For it will only be by taking a truly holistic approach to how our society is organised that conditions like dementia can really be overcome.
Saturday, 7 December 2013
Mandela committed to the struggle and freedom
The enduring
theme of Nelson Mandela’s life was the struggle for freedom.
He was part
of a group of ANC individuals with the same goal in their lives. They included
Oliver Tambo, Mac Maharaj and Thabo Mbeki.
Reading
Mandela’s biography the “Long Walk to Freedom” the theme that resonates is that
of the liberation struggle. His life has been an inspiration to all those
involved in similar struggles around the world. Many of these struggles start
off as the few before gathering pace to become the many.
It is in
the context of struggle that Mandela’s life needs to be set. Some of the
eulogising since his death was announced on Thursday has come from strange
quarters. Viewing some of the coverage here it was as though the whole of the
UK was united in opposition to apartheid, with those pop concerts being the
thing that really helped free Mandela.
These
views are absurd. Many of those who now proclaim in favour of Mandela and the
anti-apartheid struggle were firmly on the other side at the time. Let’s
remember, Margaret Thatcher was the Prime Minister of this country for 10
years, she stood out defiantly almost alone at times in opposition to the
imposition of sanctions on South Africa.
The same
British establishment that now seems to want to be allied with all that was
good about Nelson Mandela continues to sweep its own atrocities such as those
committed in Northern Ireland under the carpet.
Maybe if
the British state wants to pay tribute to Nelson Mandela it should take a tip
out of his book and create a peace and reconciliation process in Northern
Ireland. This one act in South Africa dealt with much of the hurt and suffering
of the past, it also marked an openness that has long been alien to the old
imperial country Britain.
Mandela
was a hero of South Africa, he led the fight to end apartheid, however in the
rush to eulogise, we need to remember that the great man did not bring a better
material state to the mass of people in that country. People still live in poverty.
One of the great tragedies of South Africa has been that despite Mandela’s
dream of equality, the same powerful corporations which dominated under the
apartheid regime, seamlessly retained their power and position under Mandela led
and subsequent South African governments.
Maybe
this was a key to a peaceful transition but it also calls into question how
much has changed. Capitalism still rules and mass inequality exists.
Mandela
would have recognised this situation. It would also be fair to say he did his
bit in ridding the country of its racist rulers, it is for the next generation
to sort out poverty and inequality. The struggle continues. Mandela was a great
and inspiring man, from which we all can learn...but let’s remember he was also
human.
Wednesday, 27 November 2013
Kennedy was a PR masterclass
Jonathan Freedland is right to single out hope as a major reason that the Kennedy myth endures (JFK 50 years on: Idealism of a story that ended before its time,
22 November). The Kennedy story also remains a masterclass in public
relations. The creation of the Camelot image, the careful use of film
and photography, the image of vitality. The problem is that the PR has
largely taken over from any semblance of reality in the popular
perception of Kennedy. The family man was actually a serial adulterer,
the man of vigour and vitality kept going with drugs.On
achievements, the truth of what might of have happened in Vietnam will
never be known. What the Kennedy administration did do was create a
blueprint to promote the support of some bloody dictators across Latin
American and beyond, favoured only according to their usefulness to the
overall goal of US global hegemony. The enduring fascination with
Kennedy does relate to a desire for something better. It does though
also amount to idolatry, a desire to filter out the truth and live in
the past.
- Guardian letters - 27/11/2013
- Guardian letters - 27/11/2013
Tuesday, 26 November 2013
Who cares for our carers?
Vulnerable people need someone acting as an advocate in their corner - whether it's someone in care without family, or the carer on a zero hour contract
It has been four months since Mum died. Recently I bumped into one of her former carers.
Sue* looked exhausted. Working for the care company had clearly taken its toll.
On a zero hour contract, she told of the difficulties of being at the total whim of the managers regarding hours. So she could get a day packed with back to back calls or get a couple of hours of work in the morning then a gap of four hours before again getting stacked up calls into the evening.
She told how often she wanted to stay longer to get the job done but there was the pressure to get in an out as quickly as possible.
The final care company that we had for Mum were on the whole pretty good, they provided the care and had a decent oversight process. But they still employed their workers on zero hour contracts that no doubt burned many of them out, as seemed to be the case with Sue.
There has been much talk recently about the length of calls, with a fixation on 15 minute calls as not being sufficient for care needs. This can of course be the case but there are other times when the call could be less. If it is literally a toilet call, where the carers are coming at a specific time to see if the person wants the toilet and they don’t then the call can be less than 15 minutes.
Generally, the experience with Mum with care in the home worked out fairly well, though the burden increased all the time as she became more helpless. Had she come out of hospital rather than dying there, the next stop would have been a care home.
Our family had experience of care homes for the last 3.5 years of my Dad’s life. He had dementia, which got steadily worse over the last five years of his life.
Dad spent just over a month in his first care home, then he went onto two others spending around 18 months in each. He moved home as the need for more specialised care for the dementia condition increased.
These homes were generally good, though again the concern had to be how the staff were treated and the desire to obtain maximum return from the clients. One example with Dad concerned a proliferation of haircuts.
In one memorable exchange, I suggested Dad had less hair than he’d ever had and yet was having more haircuts than ever. I could see what was happening, the home were receiving the £700 a week plus for care but obviously sought out other income streams. Haircuts, nails and other things fitted these extras. They were of course justified on the basis of the dignity of the person. A valid argument, but also one that can be used to increase the bill.
There are a number of lessons to be drawn about care both at home and in nursing homes. The first is the need for the vulnerable person to have someone acting as an advocate in their corner. An individual who will stand up with the care company, home or hospital.
I largely did this for my Mum and Dad but it was always worrying when seeing an elderly person with seemingly no friends or family. Who would fight their corner?
The other area is the whole treatment of care workers. These people do vital skilled work that should be valued by society. They should be treated as such, not as some sort of modern day slave on zero hours contracts. It is not right that carers should be on the minimum wage and casual contracts. They should be salaried, with decent wages and other conditions of employment like holidays and sick pay. This change in the employment relationship would change the whole care sector overnight.
The present approach of bringing in people training them up, exploiting them to burn out point and then no doubt getting rid of them is no way to run care in the UK today. Staff need to be treated properly and the whole sector needs regulation. Then maybe there could be a move toward a care sector that is fit for purpose in terms of dealing with our elderly population in the 21st century.
*Name has been changed
see - Independent - Voices
http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/who-cares-for-our-carers-8962833.html
On a zero hour contract, she told of the difficulties of being at the total whim of the managers regarding hours. So she could get a day packed with back to back calls or get a couple of hours of work in the morning then a gap of four hours before again getting stacked up calls into the evening.
She told how often she wanted to stay longer to get the job done but there was the pressure to get in an out as quickly as possible.
The final care company that we had for Mum were on the whole pretty good, they provided the care and had a decent oversight process. But they still employed their workers on zero hour contracts that no doubt burned many of them out, as seemed to be the case with Sue.
There has been much talk recently about the length of calls, with a fixation on 15 minute calls as not being sufficient for care needs. This can of course be the case but there are other times when the call could be less. If it is literally a toilet call, where the carers are coming at a specific time to see if the person wants the toilet and they don’t then the call can be less than 15 minutes.
Generally, the experience with Mum with care in the home worked out fairly well, though the burden increased all the time as she became more helpless. Had she come out of hospital rather than dying there, the next stop would have been a care home.
Our family had experience of care homes for the last 3.5 years of my Dad’s life. He had dementia, which got steadily worse over the last five years of his life.
Dad spent just over a month in his first care home, then he went onto two others spending around 18 months in each. He moved home as the need for more specialised care for the dementia condition increased.
These homes were generally good, though again the concern had to be how the staff were treated and the desire to obtain maximum return from the clients. One example with Dad concerned a proliferation of haircuts.
In one memorable exchange, I suggested Dad had less hair than he’d ever had and yet was having more haircuts than ever. I could see what was happening, the home were receiving the £700 a week plus for care but obviously sought out other income streams. Haircuts, nails and other things fitted these extras. They were of course justified on the basis of the dignity of the person. A valid argument, but also one that can be used to increase the bill.
There are a number of lessons to be drawn about care both at home and in nursing homes. The first is the need for the vulnerable person to have someone acting as an advocate in their corner. An individual who will stand up with the care company, home or hospital.
I largely did this for my Mum and Dad but it was always worrying when seeing an elderly person with seemingly no friends or family. Who would fight their corner?
The other area is the whole treatment of care workers. These people do vital skilled work that should be valued by society. They should be treated as such, not as some sort of modern day slave on zero hours contracts. It is not right that carers should be on the minimum wage and casual contracts. They should be salaried, with decent wages and other conditions of employment like holidays and sick pay. This change in the employment relationship would change the whole care sector overnight.
The present approach of bringing in people training them up, exploiting them to burn out point and then no doubt getting rid of them is no way to run care in the UK today. Staff need to be treated properly and the whole sector needs regulation. Then maybe there could be a move toward a care sector that is fit for purpose in terms of dealing with our elderly population in the 21st century.
*Name has been changed
see - Independent - Voices
http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/who-cares-for-our-carers-8962833.html
Thursday, 21 November 2013
Northern Ireland collusion - Lethal allies
Killers on the lose, police collusion and it all happened here
A new book launched recently details a police force
totally out of control, implicated in many civilian deaths and colluding with
death squads to target a minority.
The
surprise for many, who may not have heard of
these revelations, is that it all happened in Britain. The virtual
silence
concerning the publication of “Lethal Allies” maybe says something about
the
state of denial that still exists on these islands regarding much of
what happened in the statelet of the north of Ireland in the names of
the British people.
Lethal Allies details120 deaths that occurred in an
area known as “the triangle of death” in the north of Ireland between 1972 and
1978. Only one of the people killed had any links with republican paramilitary
organisations.
The Triangle of Death” extended from Tyrone and
Armagh in the north down to Dundalk, Monaghan and on occasion Dublin.
There are details of people in pubs or going about
their business, gunned down in cold blood or blown up. The lack of any effective
follow up to these crimes led a number of people in the early stages to
question whether there was collusion going on between the loyalist killers, the
British army and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).
Among those to speak out early on were local
priests Father Denis Faul and Father Raymond Murray who wrote a booklet on the
ongoing slaughter called “the Triangle of Death.”
Authored by journalist Anne Cadwallader, Lethal
Allies was a joint effort involving the Pat Finucane Centre and Alan Brecknell,
whose father was murdered at Donnelly’s bar in 1975.
A lot of the evidence contained in this
comprehensive book was obtained from the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) set up
by former Chief Constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland Sir Hugh
Orde.
The HET were supposed to investigate individual
cases and then put together an overarching report but this never materialised.
The lack of an overall report was one of the reasons for the book being
produced.
It seems that those in London and those guiding the
war in the north of Ireland knew from the early stages that there was collusion
going on between the security forces and the police
The records show that some 1800 guns stolen from
the Ulster Defence Regiment (a division of the British army), finished up in
paramilitary hands. The British government knew that 15% of the UDR were in
Loyalist groups, so served as soldiers and paramilitaries at the same time.
In one case two GAA football supporters had gone
over the border to watch a match. On the way back Colm McCartney and Sean
Farmer were pulled over by a fake UDR checkpoint and shot dead. An RUC patrol
had earlier been stopped by the checkpoint, yet knowing that there was nothing
official due to be happening in that area did nothing about it.
The
charmed life of Loyalist paramilitary Robin
Jackson is a recurrent theme of the book. Involved in murder after
murder,
Jackson continually evades justice. In the early stages he was
identified by
the wife of Patrick Campbell, who he murdered, but the evidence was not
considered strong enough by prosecutors to proceed. “He all but
confessed in a
police car but this was still not regarded as strong enough to proceed,”
said Cadwallader, who recalled how Jackson had been caught with a list
of names
believed to be targets. He went on to kill many more people, prior to
dying of
cancer himself in 1998.
Jackson crops up time and time again.”There is incontrovertible
evidence that Robin Jackson was an RUC agent,” said Cadwallader.
What becomes clear is that the police did very little to
investigate and apprehend those responsible. The result was that many more
people were killed by several individuals like Jackson, who went on to become
multiple murderers.
One of the central messages of ‘Lethal Allies’ is that if
the security forces had been doing their job, acting within the law and to
uphold the law, much of this killing could have been avoided and the whole
conflict ended earlier.
One
view offered was there were those in the
security services who - in line with past colonial struggles - wanted to
precipitate a situation whereby they could be allowed an even freer
rein to operate.
Indeed, the crucial part of the whole collusion
story missing from this book is who was pulling the strings from London and how
it all ties back to the highest echelons of government and the security state.
Drawing on the work of the HET and others, Cadwallader
puts together a comprehensive account of those involved, stretching up into the
higher regions of the RUC but it is difficult to believe that killing and
disorder on such a scale was not being authorised from a far higher level. That
is a story that still remains to be told.
It is a view shared by Sinn Fein MP for Mid Ulster,
Francie Molloy who believes the British government has far more information it
can put into the public arena on collusion and the role of state forces in
these activities.
In one chapter, there is detail of the destructive effect all of these
deaths have had on the families left behind. So there is Maureen McGleenan, the
mother of Gerard, who never really recovered from the death of her son. He died
as he stepped onto the street, as a bomb went off at the Step Inn in Keady.
Maureen visited her son’s grave every day for 30 years. Many suffered trauma,
receiving little help to cope. The work of the HET though has helped many,
beginning some sort of healing process as a result of having the truth at least
partially officially recognised.
The author revealed that some of the families of
those murdered are pursuing civil actions. Some are suing the Chief Constable
of the PSNI because they want disclosure and an apology. “Some sort of truth
commission is needed for individual families who’ve been treated with such
cruelty by the state,” said Cadwallader, who suggested that Northern Ireland
just will not be able to move on until these issues are dealt with.
“I’ve said I don’t see the point of getting an 80
year old man in the dock for the murder of my father,” said Brecknell, who
told of the importance of the families’ stories being told.
Former Northern Ireland Police ombudsman Baroness
Nuala O’Loan has suggested an Article 2 of the European Convention on
Human Rights (right to life) Compliant Investigation Unit should be set
up with full police investigatory powers and no time limit.
There clearly needs to be something done to bring
out the truth of what happened over three decades in the north of Ireland.
The
HET made a start but the grudging way things have been handled, suggest that
this is the minimum that those with much to hide thought they could get away
with. As time passes, so the task of dealing with the crimes of the past fades.
Alan Brecknell makes a good point, about dragging up 80 year olds to face the
courts but the truth of what happened and why does need to be told.
Time is running out. Many of those involved have
already died off. Some of the evidence has been destroyed and more may well be
as time goes by. And there are many on these islands that hope to see this
period simply shepherded off into the historic archives.
This though will not help the victims or their
families who survive. A failure to acknowledge just what did go on during these
years in the north of Ireland from the Cabinet table to the assassin on the
ground will only mean that it could all happen again.
Indeed, there is already a legacy of the Troubles
in the years since with the so called war on terror. In this case, despite that
lack of bombs and bullets on the streets, repressive anti-terror laws have been
brought in going beyond much of what existed during the years of the conflict
in the north.
A legacy of this period in the north of Ireland has
been the conversion of the rule of law into an easily manipulable set of rules
used by those in power to persecute minorities. It is a dangerous slope that
ends in the police state, which is what it would seem the north of Ireland descended
into for much of the last century.
* Lethal Allies is published by Mercier Press, price £12.99
Tuesday, 19 November 2013
"Sylvia Pankhurst – suffragette, socialist and scourge of empire"
This excellent book from
Katherine Connelly examines the life of political activist Sylvia Pankhurst
from her early days in the suffragette movement to fighting colonialism and
fascism in the 1930s and 40s.
One of the particular
strengths of this book is that the author appears grounded in the struggle of
progressive movements. As a result, she manages to bring home just how parallel
many of the battles fought by Sylvia Pankhurst are to the world today.
An early feature of
the book is the split between Sylvia and her mother Emmeline and sister Christabel
Pankhurst over the way in which women’s suffrage is to be attained.
All three
women are part of the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), however,
Emmeline and Christabel wanted an elitist approach that saw middle class and
upper class women in the vanguard. They were to act on behalf of other women,
the working classes not being up to the task.
In the longer term
this saw Christabel and Emmeline support the war and back the Conservative
Party. Indeed, Emmeline was set to stand for the Conservative Party when she
died in 1928.
In contrast Sylvia
favoured working class organisation in the labour movement. So women’s suffrage
was but part of the wider struggle for working class rights.
So Sylvia founded the
East London Federation of Suffragettes that proved more effective, mobilising working
class women, working with new unionism and securing the first meeting with
Prime Minister Herbert Asquith in 1914.
Sylvia was not the
one stop shop that her sister and mother represented, seeing the need for struggle
from the grass roots up. The book includes detail of her numerous imprisonments
and a vivid description in her own words of how her jaws were forced apart when
being forcibly fed while on hunger strike in prison.
Sylvia was anti-war,
seeing the suffering that the conflict brought on working class people
generally and women in particular.
She was early to
point out through the newspaper, the Dreadnought, how the war merely benefited
the wealthy in society.
Sylvia grew quickly
disillusioned with the Labour Party which she saw as a reformist rather than revolutionary
body. This disillusion reached a height at the outbreak of World War I, with
Labour MPs so whole heartedly supporting the war.
Sylvia was an early
supporter of the Russian Revolution, believing that the soviets based in the
working class movement were the way to bring about real change. They were setting
up an alternative government not seeking to tamper round the edges with an
already moribund Parliamentary system. She fell out with Lenin over the method
of approach to bringing about socialism in Britain.
The Russian leader seeing a
role for the likes of the Labour Party and Parliamentary action as part of the
road to bringing socialism to the masses. Ironically, Sylvia then took an
isolationist approach, similar to that adopted by her sister and mother in the
WSPU toward other movements, refusing to have anything to do with organisations
that were not committed to a wholesale type revolutionary approach. This led to
her not supporting the Poplar rates strike in 1921 that saw Labour councillors
like George Lansbury going to prison.
The author though while
highlighting the inconsistencies of some moves by Sylvia, further points to her
far sightedness in seeing the fascist threat long before most people.
So while
many in the British ruling class seemed to welcome the ascent of Mussolini to power
in Italy in 1922, Sylvia warns of the upcoming dangers of appeasing fascism.
She was proved right.
The final phase of
Sylvia Pankhurst’s life focuses on her anti-colonial struggle, particularly in
relation to Ethiopia. She had a strong tie to the country, arguing against the
1920s invasion which Britain allowed Mussolini to undertake. Sylvia spent her
final few years in Ethiopia up to her death in 1960.
This is an excellent
overview of the life of Sylvia Pankhurst which manages to unlock many of the
problems of working class struggle for the first half of the 20th
century. The author’s understanding of struggle in a working class context
makes the book that much more accessible and relevant to what is happening in
our society today. An excellent read.
* Published by Pluto Press, £13
see: Morning Star - 25/11/2013
see: Morning Star - 25/11/2013
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